Finally Found (The Davenport Agency Book 2)
Davenport, who conceded just one break point in the first set, was ahead when steady rain began to fall once more, sending the players hurrying for cover. The second rain break lasted just under an hour but normal service was quickly resumed when Davenport held her serve to lead despite a second double fault of the match. However Sharapova, playing more aggressive tennis, kept herself in touch with a love service game which included a second serve ace, and then - almost out of the blue - gained her first break of the match to even things up.
The Russian, fighting for every point, saved break points in each of her next two service games as the set went to a tie-break. Davenport lost both her two serves and netted a volley to trail and, although she saved two set points, another crashing Sharapova forehand broke the deadlock and levelled the match as she took the tie-break She then broke the American in the first game of the deciding set and, as she piled on the pressure, the confidence visibly drained from Davenport, whose game as well as her serve deteriorated alarmingly.
Lindsay Davenport, making her 11th and almost certainly last visit to the All England Club, cast a dispirited figure as she trooped off court. I am so amazed. Most historians believe that Allan Pinkerton hired ghostwriters , but the books nonetheless bear his name and no doubt reflect his views. The episode is set in Wichita, Kansas. In the HBO series Boardwalk Empire , an agent of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency runs an undercover operation to coax a murder confession out of a major character.
Pinkerton is a major character in the film American Outlaws , portrayed by Timothy Dalton. Pinkerton's role in foiling the assassination plot against Abraham Lincoln was dramatized in the film Saving Lincoln , which tells President Lincoln's story through the eyes of Ward Hill Lamon , a former law partner of Lincoln who served as his primary bodyguard during the Civil War.
Pinkerton is played by Marcus J. Pinkerton is also a recurring character in the series The Pinkertons , played by Angus Macfadyen. In but in these cases, as in the others, he seems to be portrayed with an American accent, although he was Scottish by birth, and may still have retained his Scots accent.
Hardboiled crime fiction writer Dashiell Hammett was employed by the Pinkerton agency before becoming an author, and his experiences influenced the character of the Continental Op who was a Continental Detective Agency operative, similar to the Pinkertons. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Allan Pinkerton. The Gorbals , Glasgow , Scotland. Chicago , Illinois, US. Phillips Publishing Co.
The Expressman and the Detective. Chicago: W. Retrieved Also available here  — New York: G. Dillingham Co. Also available here  — The Spiritualists and the Detectives. The Molly Maguires and the Detectives, ed. Strikers, Communists, Tramps and Detectives. Criminal Reminiscences and Detective Sketches. The Gypsies and the Detectives.
Bucholz and the Detectives. Also available via Project Gutenberg — The Rail-Road Forger and the Detectives. Hartford, Conn. A Double Life and the Detectives. Cornered at Last: A Detective Story. This article appears to contain trivial, minor, or unrelated references to popular culture. Please reorganize this content to explain the subject's impact on popular culture, using references to reliable sources , rather than simply listing appearances. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed.
June This section does not cite any sources. Please help improve this section by adding citations to reliable sources. June Learn how and when to remove this template message. Think of everything as starting with some group A in the figure below. These individuals conceive of an idea regarding what they would like to do about another group of people e. In this case, they wish to have them killed in large numbers D in the figure. The initial group gives their idea to those who can order the implementation B in the figure.
We could call them administrators or political authorities. These individuals strategize, plan, prepare and train for the execution. In following this sequence, the leaders of this institution pass the plan down the chain of command to those under their charge who implement the relevant action — in this case, this is where the actual killing takes place D in the figure.
Given this conception, there are five ways to bring an end to the relevant behavior.
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First, one could remove the potential victim from harms way or facilitate their flight — perhaps to a neighboring country or safe zone dealing with D in the figure. Alternatively, one could send individuals into the relevant country to surround them and protect them like human shields. Second, related to the last point, one could try and block the repressive agent from enacting the policy of interest i. This could be done with placing troops directly in their path. This could also be done by not having any repressive agents in the first place but that is a somewhat different conversation.
Third, one could try to interfere with the delivery of the kill order between the policymakers and the repressive agent or between repressive agents.
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Fourth, one could try to disrupt the decision maker from coming up with the decision to kill. This could be done by using some kind of constraint on elected officials or, more creatively, coming up with an alternative policy for eradication. This involves shifting the goals of those influencing the repressive process. There are ways around the other four: there might be access to potential victims despite attempts at isolating them; units sent into a locale to protect individuals might not be well equipped or willing to engage and the idea of not having nation-states with a monopoly on coercion seems impossible when predatory actors exist in the international system; and, interfering with the delivery of a message only seems to delay the problem as opposed to eliminating it.
But can we imagine shifting goals from political leaders away from killing?
Escaping Our Ship of Fools
Part of the difficulty with re imagining moving political leaders from the idea of violence is that many believe that conflict is inherent to human beings and thus it is believed that every now and then violence happens. But other work counters this e. A large body of research also shows that once the juggernaut of the state repressive apparatus is up and running i.
This is reflected in the universal finding that lagged repression i. The discussion above is important for it suggests that much of our thinking and actions relevant to the topic of stopping large-scale, state-sponsored mass killing has presumed that killing is natural for political authorities as well as security force agents and thus we are often led to policies that essentially send killers to deal with killers. But, if killing is not natural and if episodes of mass killing are periods in which the predisposed sociopaths are given free reign, then our attention needs to be shifted.
Second, we should try to challenge as well as eliminate the idea that violence is an acceptable behavior for political authorities. Think about it: nation-states are generally founded on and maintained by the idea that different groups of people are put together and then compelled to exist in the same space, submitting to some governing authority through the threat or actual use of some monopolized violence.
Some may try and reduce the bluntness of their governance by creating some attachment to the political entity in mind but the threat of violence always lies in the background. And this is partly why the problem persists. We can stop these particular actors from behaving at this particular point in time but we are structuring, arming and instilling within the next political apparatus a reason and capability to do the same thing that we were worried about later. And we are back to love — the deepest form of mutuality that could be imagined i. I mentioned I would return here.
In many ways, I think that we should dwell here for a while conceptually because we have spent too much time managing. We need to envision the world as well as political entities that we wish to live within and push for the creation of that world as well as those entities. Satisficing and realism have rendered our efforts ineffectual or unapplied. Not all government officials wish to create, maintain or use coercion and force and not all security force agents wish to use it either although they might wish to create and maintain them.
We need to reorient our thinking about governments from being babysitters with baseball bats to midwives with wise suggestions. We should try thinking about the problem in a different way for a while and see where that gets us.
As part of that, we should take the repressive system outlined above apart and see which parts are moveable. After that, we can distinguish those who accept the consequences of being murderers themselves or the accomplices of murderers, and those who refuse to do so with all their force and being. Violence: A Micro-Sociological Theory. Greenwood Publishing Group. Davenport, Christian.
Oxford University Press. Grossman, Lt. On Killing. Open Road Media. Understanding Untouchability. Ahmedabad, India: Navsarjan Trust. Judson Press. Who and what is the RNA? Well, I'll get to that later in a blog or two. It was a hard needle to thread. For rigorous social scientists, there were no tests of the claims that were made. There was also the issue of what to do about the case.
Not clear yet. I'm not optimistic for political science but I hope that I am wrong. Sociology has had less of a problem in this regard. For those who just wanted the story though, there was this theory stuff to wade through and for some reason skipping some chapters did not seem to feel right for them. Withdraw all troops 2. Release all prisoners 3. Give amnesty to all insurrectionists 4. Set up district police commissioners 5. Agree to urban renewal veto by residents 6. Divide city council and school board by districts 7.
Provide funds and community owned businesses 8. Institute compensatory and compulsory equal employment enforcement. Officials did not quite know what to make of this. They did not believe that the mayhem they were seeing on the streets was coordinated enough to stop and they did not believe that any one organization thus could speak for what was taking place. The Malcolm X Society was not referencing the random looting or fires that was occurring. They were referencing sniping and other forms of militarized collective action such as storming of gun stores.
As conceived, they would talk to the individuals that engaged in these activities, if the objectives were met. The objectives were not met and, while dispatching police agencies to monitor the Society, they were largely dismissed. They would be back though.
Well, they viewed themselves as the "children" of Malcolm X - those who would follow in the fallen leader's direction. They would do what Malcolm would have done had he lived. Not the Malcolm that was misunderstood and mischaracterized by Marable but the Malcolm that inspired tens of thousands to adopt a critical political perspective and mobilize accordingly. The Malcolm X Society was not the first attempt at organizing undertaken by the individuals associated with it. The people associated with this organization largely based in Detroit , previously found themselves in the Group on Advanced Leadership GOAL which was a much more mainstream organization.
GOAL attempted to lead through example, through experimentation, through critical thinking but perceiving that this was not enough and following Malcolm X's assassination, the group formed to push things a little further. The telegram was among the groups first public actions and their timing could not be more important for getting the attention of the powers that be ish. Things were just getting started though. In the meanwhile, Detroit was burning. On this day 50 years ago today in Detroit, after a police raid of an African American after hours club, large numbers of blacks hit the streets and engaged in what many whites generally call ed "rioting" and what many blacks call ed "rebellion".
Here is tv coverage of the event from the time; here are some p hotos. The differences in labeling is crucial if one is to understand political conflict and violence. For one side, the activities of this day represented a moment where victimized individuals decided to stand up for their humanity and they did this with the only thing that they could figure out at the time.
For the other side, the activities of this day represented a moment where diverse citizens engaged in what was believed to be criminalistic behavior. The conflict lies in the difference. One cannot understand what happened or what happens without dealing with that fundamental point.
The differences here are not unique to Detroit, , to black folk or to the US. These differences are what conflicts are about. In this vein, seeing Detroit on July 23 as either a rebellion or riot misses the point. It is both. How does the RNA get involved? Well, that happened on July 24th Moore as well as contemplates the way forward, we wish to revisit one of the things that Will did best and loved to do: interact with scholars about their work. Like with many things, it all started with a conversation about how we thought our existing way of "doing" political science was missing something.
We thought that conferences were kind of broken and, as a result, the opportunity when scholars were brought together was being lost: e. Upon thinking about this, we were like: that sucks and it does not need to be that way. In that spirit, we launched the Conflict Consortium which was kind of a shot across the bow, a wake-up call, a series of questions and a series of attempts to make things better.
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Some things took off well. Some did not. The Virtual Workshop is something that we both thought did what it was supposed to do. Others seemed to share our opinion that we were on to something. Please steal our idea! Once a week, we will post a new session. Indeed, it is very heartwarming to see the exchange - on many levels, as it shows political science as it could be, not frequently how it is.
While Will would normally apologize for this on our behalf , I will do this for him. We just kind of jump in and perhaps at some date we will find some way to take you back in time. Watch The Video. Human Rights vs. Repression: A Reflection on Will H. Reflecting on Will H. Well, yes and no. Rather, Will became one who focused on human rights — among other topics.
He and I who have come to adopt the label went this way after some extended conversation and reading the direction of the literature.
When we were coming up, nobody used the phrase human rights. Actually, nobody was really studying the topic at all at that point but after awhile there were more folks. Over time, we adopted the human rights label and went with the wave. You gotta go where the audience is. These lines of inquiry never actually focused on state repression as a thing to study on its own but they included certain aspects of the phenomenon in their investigations of non-state behavior to be close enough.
They were out of mainstream political interactions a key component and thus it seemed more like these than democratic processes for example a point for later. As conceived, human rights scholars generally focus on the list of activities associated with the international covenant on civil and political. Most of the time research in the relevant area tried to figure out why governments do or do not comply with international or some federal law.
Repression scholars, as I conceive them, have a somewhat different grounding. These scholars are less interested in specific behaviors linked to international documents than they were with paying attention to the activities undertaken by Stalin, Hitler, Mao, Stoessner, Nixon, McCarthy and Hoover - listed by Robert J. Goldstein , Jennifer Earl and Jules Boykoff.